Egypt Soccer Violence: The Military’s Political Game


“Egyptians infuriated by the deaths of 74 people in soccer violence staged protests in central Cairo and clashed with the police forces, as the army-led government came under fire for failing to prevent the deadliest incident since the overthrow of Hosni Mubarak.”

Dr. Ashraf Ezzat/ Cairo, Feb 4, 2012

Protesters chant anti-government slogans during a protest condemning the death of soccer fans at Port Said stadium, near the Interior Ministry in Cairo, Feb. 2

For the third day in a row, Deadly clashes continue to rage in Egypt over football riots leaving 12 killed and more than 2500 wounded in street clashes over authorities’ failure to stop Port Said football violence.

State media reported renewed scuffles between members of the security forces encircling the building of the ministry of interior and demonstrators who included hardcore soccer fans, aka Ultras, known for confronting the police and who were on the frontlines of protests against the military throughout the last year.

The Ultras played a prominent role with anti-government activists in the uprising that toppled president Hosni Mubarak a year ago, and a spokesman on their behalf has suggested pro-Mubarak forces were behind the soccer incident, or at least complicit.

The soccer violence will likely strike news followers as most unfortunate and tragic accident, but for the supreme military council of armed forces of Egypt (SCAF), a council reluctant to relinquish power, it will definitely strike a different chord.

For a military institution that is supposed to hand over power to civilians by next July, after a monopoly of power for more than six decades, any incident that would allow chaos and insecurity to prevail will certainly be welcomed.

A stampede is an act of mass impulse among a crowd of people in which the crowd collectively begins running with no clear direction or purpose. But last Wednesday’s soccer violence that left 74 killed and at least 1,000 people injured in the Egyptian coastal city of Port Said when soccer fans invaded the pitch after local team al-Masry beat Cairo-based Al Ahli, has been no accidental stampede.

The fingers are once again pointing at the police’s complicity in the bloody incident as well as the overall instability and insecurity that has been afflicting the country since the fall of Mubarak.

The scenes and initial investigations proved all the gates to the football pitch were deliberately ordered open minutes before the end of the match, and also showed the police forces stood still and did almost nothing to prevent the disaster.

“It seems the whole thing had been planned beforehand.” said Mahmoud el-Sayed, one of the football players at Al-Ahly club (the most famous football club in Africa)

While the violence escalated in Port Said stadium, the police forces practically did nothing to prevent it.

While a whole year has lapsed since the Egyptian revolution erupted, it is getting more and more obvious every day that toppling Mubarak was the easy part of the revolt and the real battle, if you like, that has been raging throughout the last year is between the will of the people and the mighty apparatus of the police and the military, who have practically been running the show in Egypt since 1952.

What happened in the stadium of Port Said, a continuation of the security vacuum policy, could only be explained as part of a plan by the military council and the interior ministry to push the country into chaos and force Egyptians to embrace military rule.

That fact that SCAF succeeded in securing parliamentary elections (completed in January 2012) across nine different governorates but were incapable of securing a football match where clashes were possible raises few legitimate doubts about the hidden motivations behind the soccer riots and the seriousness of the military to cede power to a civilian government as well.

Egypt’s ruling generals have put themselves on a collision course with the country’s new parliament after declaring that MPs will not have the final say over the drafting of a fresh constitution. Being referred to as “the guardian of constitutional legitimacy”, SCAF is pushing for a constitution draft that includes guiding principles for Egypt’s new constitution, but also, and most importantly, introduces amendments that would shield the military from civilian oversight.

SCAF is being pressured to hand over power to a civilian administration and a civilian president as soon as possible. But the top brass, refusing to get out of the scene empty handed, suggest the armed forces should have the final word on major policies even after a new president is elected.

But that is not likely to resonate well among the revolutionaries and political activists and will be the more reason for protests and violence to escalate on the Egyptian street, for the Arab spring has confirmed one thing: the army is not fit to govern – neither in Egypt nor in Syria or Yemen.

On Its First Anniversary: Egypt Revolution Continues


“The revolutionary public opinion and demands that were created in Tahrir square needed to be politically purused by revolutionary cadres and leadership.”

Dr. Ashraf Ezzat

Mubarak wheeled into the courtroom at the latest hearing of his case.

“Mubarak is neither a tyrant nor a bloodthirsty man  …

He is a clean man, who could say no wrong. Mubarak has seriously and faithfully worked to the best of his abilities and energy for Egypt and its people and lived a life burdened by his nation’s problems” Said Fareed El-Deeb, Mubarak’s lawyer as he argued his case at a latest hearing and just days prior to the first anniversary of the Egyptian revolution.

“Mubarak is worthy of justice and no one should discredit his efforts, question his loyalty or history. There is no evidence to prove that Mubarak gave orders to open fire on the protesters or even to prove he sealed the natural gas deal with Israel … and how could you accuse Mubarak of killing the protesters when he, in fact, supported the revolution” added El-Deeb.

Mubarak can’t be proven guilty and his lawyer hails him as a pro-democracy liberal who looked favorably on the Egyptian uprising. … It’s funny and almost surreal but that’s how Mubarak’s trial is proceeding. It’s true that Egyptians like jokes but not this kind of mockery of justice.

Field Marshal, Hussein Tantawi

Key witnesses in the deposed president’s trial, Mr. Omar Soliman, Mubarak’s vice president and former chief of intelligence and Field Marshal Houssein Tantawy, the minister of defense and the current head of the supreme council of armed forces (SCAF) declined to attest that Mubarak gave direct orders to shoot the peaceful protesters.

This Actually comes as no surprise, after all, those were Mubarak’s long time loyal aides and anyone thought or expected differently was probably living in a world of make believe.

And on the other hand any down to earth reading of a post-Mubarak Egypt would have most likely excluded the guards of the old regime out of the newborn political scene. But we’re talking here of the reality of a revolution that only managed to topple the head of the despotic regime … but not the regime itself.

The 18 days (January 25- February 11) of the Egyptian uprising have been the most fantastic story in Egypt’s modern history but unfortunately every story has to come to an end. And what we’ve been witnessing throughout an entire year is the gloomy and systematic hijacking of that revolution.

Academically, the revolution is defined as a fundamental change in power or organizational structures that takes place in a relatively short period of time.

What the millions of Egyptians did in 18 days was absolutely revolutionary in every sense of the word, but the mass mobilization, a rare phenomenon in a society known for its propensity for stability and obedience , was not the only recipe for a successful regime change.

Other factors had to be incorporated; the miraculous mass mobilization in Tahrir Square the whole world was mesmerized by had to somehow turn into a political force. The revolutionary public opinion and the revolutionary demands that were created in Tahrir square needed to be politically purused by revolutionary cadres and leadership. 

The public opinion, no matter how strong, in and of itself is not capable of changing the political direction, and that is one lesson the Tahrir revolutionaries had to learn the hard way throughout the last year.

The lack of organized secular political parties that really believed in the necessity for a regime change in Egypt, that could have reflected the revolutionary tide on the street, and somehow could have offered a considerable counterweight to the Islamists, is what really crippled the Egyptian revolution and hindered its tide.

Dr. Mohamed El-Baradei

The Egyptian revolution couldn’t stay grassroots forever; Tahrir square needed a leader as powerful and vibrant as the Tahrir protests. And that is what the saga of Tahrir square critically lacked.

Indeed Mr. Mohamed El-Baradei could have made a good president for post-Mubarak Egypt- of all the presidential hopefuls he was and still is my personal choice- but unfortunately, while the man had the right vision and the most impressive portfolio of political expertise he lacked the charisma and the perseverance needed to lead the revolution out of Tahrir square and advance it into the political arena.

El-Baradei could be active on the internet social media where he communicates with the liberal and educated factions of the Egyptian society, but he has no popularity on the Egyptian street, and if the Egyptian revolution was a facebook/Twitter revolution the man could have easily secured his bid for the presidency.

With the withdrawal of El-Baradei from the presidential race, a move that relieved many in the Israeli political circles for they knew beyond doubt that a politician of his caliber could turn Egypt into a vibrant and powerful democracy, the presidential race hasn’t only narrowed but also weakened with the remaining candidates merely representing the old regime and the political Islam.

An unprecedented number of Egyptians have taken to the streets and squares of Egypt in commemoration of last year's momentous Day of Rage

The Egyptian revolution is only one year old and the situation will probably get worse before it gets better as the military eyeing to preserve its own political and economic autonomy and maintain its de facto status as a state within the state.. The first post-revolution parliament has just held its first meeting, and if it is anything it is certainly not the revolution parliament.

But we are where we are, so the next question is whether the Tahrir square revolution will actually fulfill its promise of “dignity, freedom and social justice” or whether it will simply usher in an era of extremist Islamist regimes or new forms of military authoritarianism.

The thousands of Egyptians who packed Tahrir square and other squares in Egypt’s major cities on January 25, the first anniversary of the revolution, will not be celebrating the day as most of the revolution’s demands remain unmet, but they will be protesting again, they will make it clear for all the people in power that the Egyptian revolution continues to empower its people.

Egypt’s Aftershocks: Military vs the People


 “The revolution is not about half measures. It’s about a clean break with the past. Better that such transformation take place through peaceful transition, but take place it must. There’s no other way towards fulfilling the goals of the revolution.”

 By Marwan Bishara

The Cairo standoff: police forces have been shooting at - the head level of- protesters and bombarding the Tahrir square with highly irritant tear gas canisters for five consequent days.

 Why has there been an escalation in protests in Egypt?

The earthquake that transformed Egypt in the beginning of the year hasn’t reached far or deep enough because the military – the backbone of the Mubarak regime – sided with the revolutionaries in the hope of safeguarding its status and privileges.

And last week the brass tried to force their will on the people and the revolution by presenting their version of the constitution that will govern the country in the future, triggering anger and disappointment among the majority of the body politique in the country.  

The military’s draft does contain some good guidelines and principles. But putting the armed forces above the state and above all three civilian authorities is a policy borrowed from a past era and has no place in Egypt’s democratic future.

The ill-timed and ill-fated attempt by the generals to go about business as usual didn’t go down well with those insisting the people are the source of all constitutional legitimacy.

Furthermore, the excessive use of force by the security forces that seem to act with vengeance against protesters, killing tens and injuring hundreds within a few hours is absolutely unacceptable to Egyptians in the post-Mubarak era.

Egypt’s ruling military could and should have shown far more restraint in advancing their interests and in responding to the legitimate right of Egyptians, especially the families of those killed during the revolution who demonstrated late Friday after the large turnout in Tahrir Square and other squares in the country.

As the prestigious Cairo-based Al-Azhar underlined in its “Arab Spring charter” guidelines for democracy in the Arab world earlier this month, the use of violence against peaceful citizens delegitimises the ruling authority and ends its reason d’etre.

Is that why the Sharaf government resigned?

The government that contends to speak in the name of the people/revolution couldn’t and shouldn’t accept such bloodshed to be carried out in its name or under its watch.

Prime Minister Issam Sharaf was one of the first politicians to come into Tahrir Square to be with the revolutionaries after his appointment to make it clear where he stood. Several months later however, it’s obvious that SCAF, not the civilian government, has been governing Egypt since revolution.

That’s why regardless of the identity of the next interim or caretaker government through the elections, it must insist on its autonomy from the generals to ensure its credibility in the eyes of the people.

Indeed, the roadmap towards democracy must be transparent and fully representative of the revolutionary forces.

As some of Egypt’s leading independent intellectuals proposed, the way forward must begin with a civilian government for national salvation with the needed authorities, followed by an election of a special commission that will write up a constitution, followed by presidential elections that end SCAF’s mandate and puts the country completely and entirely on civic and democratic tracks.

The revolution is not about half measures. It’s about a clean break with the past. Better that such transformation take place through peaceful transition, but take place it must. There’s no other way towards fulfilling the goals of the revolution.

But would the military accept to return to the barracks and forgo its privileges?

At the end of the day the generals have no other choice but to side with the people of Egypt. This is not only common sense; it’s in their and the country’s vital interest.

Egypt’s national security is at stake, and Egyptians wouldn’t have it any other way.

They want their military to be strong in order to protect the sovereignty and independence of the nation. And the military needs a strong and vibrant democracy if they are to be a force to reckon with in the 21st century.

Indeed, the armed forces have an important role in ensuring the respect of the country’s constitution on the long term.

That can’t be the case if they are to become its primary violators.

And that also means that the military is part and parcel of the state’s institutions and falls under, not above, the sovereignty of the nation.

The generals can’t have their cake and eat it too. A democracy isn’t functional if it’s not extended to the armed forces.

The generals couldn’t decide their own budget and impose it on the people, or carve their own area of interest in the economy and polity of the nation.

Nor should they be exempted from retrospection or alternation that serves the higher interest of the country and its national security.

There is an easy way and an arduous way for all this to happen. But either way, happen it will, sooner or later. The people have spoken loud and clear. It’s up to the generals to stand up and salute the steadfast of their people and save the nation unneeded delays and suffering.

Marwan Bishara is Al Jazeera’s senior political analyst. his upcoming Book, The Invisible Arab: the promise and peril of the Arab revolutions, comes out in January 2012.

Alaa Abdel Fattah: Portrait of an Egyptian Revolutionary


“When will Egypt supreme council of armed forces -SCAF- understand that many revolutionaries are afraid of their tender loving mothers more than they fear death or torture,” Abdel Fattah wrote in independent Egyptian newspaper, Al-Shorouk.

 

Alla Abdel-Fattah

Prominent Egyptian blogger and activist Alaa Abdel Fattah was summoned on Sunday, 30 October to Cairo’s notorious C28 military prosecution headquarters to face charges of incitement to violence in the violent 9 October Maspero clashes between Coptic-Christian protesters and military police.

Abdel Fattah, who rejects the notion of civilians being tried by military courts, has refused to be interrogated by military prosecutors as a matter of principle. He has also vociferously criticised the idea that the military prosecution should investigate the Maspero clashes, in which military police were directly involved.

As a result, the military prosecution ordered his detention for 15 days pending investigation.

Abdel Fattah is considered one of Egypt’s pioneer bloggers, along with his wife, Manal Hussein. Since 2004, both have been publishing their political opinions in well-known blog http://www.manalaa.net.

Originally, as a software developer and activist, Abdel Fattah has supported initiatives that promote social media, freedom of expression and political activism. In 2005, Alaa and Manal won the Special Reporters without Borders Award in Deutsche Welle’s Best Blogs competition.

It is not the first time Abdel Fattah finds himself facing allegations by the state. In May 2006, he was arrested while participating in a peaceful protest in solidarity with Egypt’s free judiciary movement. His arrest caused an international uproar, as it was seen as an attempt to crack down on blogging activity in Egypt by targeting one of its most influential bloggers.

Abdel Fattah was eventually released in June 2006 after 45 days in detention, during which an international campaign was launched on blogs and on Twitter with the hashtag “#FreeAlaa” – a hashtag that again found its way to many Twitter accounts following news of his latest detention.

Born in 1981, Abdel Fattah was brought up in a family of leftists with a long history of political activism. His father, Ahmed Seif El-Islam Hamed, is a prominent lawyer and human rights activist who used to run the Cairo-based Hisham Mubarak Law Centre. Ahmed Seif El-Islam was arrested in the 1980s and imprisoned for five years for his political activity.

Abdel Fattah’s mother, Laila Soueif, is a professor of mathematics at Cairo University, while his aunt is Ahdaf Soueif, an Egyptian novelist of international renown. Alaa’s sister, Mona Seif, meanwhile, is one of the founders of the “No to military trials for civilians” campaign.

Abdel Fattah’s wife, Manal, also comes from a family with a long activist pedigree. Manal’s father is Bahi El-Din Hassan, a founder of Egypt’s contemporary human rights movement and current head of the Cairo Centre for Human Rights Studies.

Abdel Fattah and Manal moved to South Africa in 2008, where they lived until January of this year, when they took the first flight to Cairo to join Tahrir Square protesters as the revolution erupted. His first day in the square coincided with what has become known as the “Battle of the Camel,” when pro-government thugs attacked demonstrators, leaving dozens dead.

“Alaa fought bravely to defend the square and was never worried that he might lose his life,” said Wael Khalil, prominent blogger and leftist political activist imprisoned with Abdel Fattah in 2006.

Following Mubarak’s ouster and concomitant promises of democratic transition, the couple decided to return to Egypt on a permanent basis. Through their twitter accounts, “@alaa” and “@manal,” the couple announced their intention to have a baby. The baby, they noted, would be named Khaled after Khaled Said, the young man from Alexandria beaten to death by police last year who became a posthumous icon of Egypt’s revolution.

The last thing Abdel Fattah wrote publicly, in independent daily Al-Shorouk, was his eyewitness account of the Maspero clashes and the two days spent at a Coptic hospital morgue battling for autopsy reports. He also spent this time mourning the death of Mina Daniel, the Coptic activist who was run over by military police during the clashes.

“When will the SCAF understand that many revolutionaries are afraid of their tender loving mothers more than they fear death or torture,” Abdel Fattah wrote in Al-Shorouk.

Statement of Solidarity by Egyptian blogs aggregator: Alaa Abd El Fattah Boycotts Military Trials

 

Sunday, October 30, 2011
We, the Campaign to End the Military Trials of Civilians, condemn in the strongest possible terms the imprisonment of prominent Egyptian activist and blogger, Alaa Abd el Fattah and the unjust and illegal system of military tribunals implemented by the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) since becoming rulers of Egypt on January the 28th, 2011.

SCAF deadly crackdown on Egypt Copts on October 9th at Maspero, downtown Cairo.

Today Alaa Abd El Fattah was summoned to the Military Prosecutor’s office, accused of assaulting military personnel, stealing and destroying military weaponry and inciting violence against the military in the events of 9 October at Maspero.

 On questioning, Abd El Fattah declined to answer the prosecutor’s questions, stating that it is illegal and a clear conflict of interest for the military, as a party accused of a crime in the same events, to hold proceedings or adjudicate fairly. He was sent to detention pending further military investigation.

As of today we refuse to co-operate with the military prosecution of civilians and we call on all Egyptian citizens to stand with us.

At least 12,000 Egyptian civilians have been subjected to summary, covert military trials. The accused are often denied counsel, the opportunity to review evidence or examine witnesses; there are limited avenues of appeal. Eighteen death sentences have been handed down so far.

Abd El Fattah’s targeting is only the latest example of the systematic targeting of journalists, media figures, bloggers and activists by SCAF.

Abd El Fattah is being held responsible for violence on October 9th, the night when the Army killed at least 28 peaceful protesters and injured several hundred more. Several respected human rights organisation have attested to this.

Mina Daniel

Furthermore, it is perverse that Mina Daniel is listed as the first name on the Military Prosecutor’s list of the accused. Mina Daniel was killed by military gunfire on October 9th.

Abd El Fattah is now being held for fifteen days in prison by a body which has no legal authority to do so. The fifteen days can be renewed indefinitely. Twenty eight more people are in jail against the background of the same event. Mina Daniel and others have already paid with their lives.

We demand that Alaa Abd El Fattah be freed immediately, that military trials of civilians be stopped and all those sentenced thus far be released or, at least, retried before civilian courts. We support all of those who similarly refuse to recognize the legitimacy of the military prosecution.

Sources: Egyptian Blogs Aggregator, ahramonline and manalaa.net

Cairo Clashes: The Chronicles of Egypt Copts


“With Egypt military council siding with the Islamist front while dragging its feet on getting the police forces back on the street and properly functioning again, the Christian minority (10% of Egyptian population) remains in limbo.”

Dr. Ashraf Ezzat

 

Egypt christians (Copts) rallying in front the state TV building at downtown Cairo

Cairo remains tense after clashes left at least 24 people dead and over 270 injured in the worst violence in the Egyptian capital since the country’s revolution in February.

An overnight curfew was lifted on Monday but scores of people have been arrested, and a heavy security presence remained on the streets near Tahrir Square (the iconic landmark that witnessed the glorious days of the Egyptian revolution)

Sunday clashes followed Egypt Christians (Copts) protests over the recent destruction of a church near the southern town of Aswan, but actually there was more to these protests than just another case of demolishing or setting a church on fire (this was the third incidence in a row, of demolishing Coptic churches, in less than 8 months after Mubarak was toppled)

Barely few weeks to the first post-Mubarak parliamentary elections and after months of political debate and turmoil during which it has become obvious that the Muslim Brotherhood and the ultraconservative Islamists (Salafists) are bound to gain the lead in the upcoming vote, thus devouring the biggest chunk of the next parliament seats and tightening their grip over the legislative house.

And since the Islamists front, which obviously struck some sort of a deal with the military, has made no secret of their intention to apply the Islamic Sharia law that could undermine the citizenry of the Copts and reduce them to second class citizens, the Coptic community grew not only insecure but also frightened of the perilous prospects of a gloomy future.

 So the thousands of Copts in Sunday rally were not expressing their anger over the demolition of yet another church, rather they were expressing their fears over threatened belonging and identity and over the failure of the interim government to protect them and their places of worship.

Never throughout the 1400 years of co-habitation with Muslims in Egypt had any church or monastery been attacked before, that’s why this whole new cycle of persecution and indiscrimination against the Christian minority, has been a very alarming precedent for all the Coptic community in Egypt.

What went wrong?

Copts of Egypt are enduring through threatened identity crisis for years now.

Many no doubt wondered what on earth had happened to the celebrated Tahrir revolution of civility, nonviolence and solidarity, as they watched the violent late collisions between Egypt Copts and the soldiers of the supreme council of armed forces (SCAF)

Disturbing scenes certainly, but they were neither unexpected nor totally spontaneous as some like to portray them. In the historical course of most revolutions, moments of exceptional unity and sacrifice do not last long. Once the common enemy is gone, unity gives way to the reassertion of differences and sectarian interests; old coalitions collapse, new solidarities and ideological differences emerge and even plots and schemes by another enemy begin to play out

At such times of political instability, the challenge, of course, is how to handle the old demarcations and emerging differences. In post-Mubarak Egypt, the rise of radical Islamists, security vacuum and sectarian violence have always been the most feared obstacles to a smooth transition to a democratically elected government, whatever that means.

But with SCAF siding with the Islamist front while dragging its feet on getting the police forces back on the Egyptian street and properly functioning again, the Christian minority (10% of Egyptian population) remains in limbo.

Copts in history

Egyptian Christianity, of course, predates Islam – which was brought by the Arab conquest of Egypt in 639 AD, and became the majority religion. Some Egyptians embraced Islam voluntarily for its promise of justice, many did so to avoid jizya taxes, while still others to acquire equal social and political status with Muslims.

By the 10th century, Muslims outnumbered the Christian population, and Arabic replaced the Coptic language as the official governmental language. In the 12th century, the church adopted Arabic as the official clergical language.

"Like or not, we are the true land owners" yelled the protesting copts.

Hardline Copts, in exile and at home, consider themselves a distinct ethnicity – with a unique ancestry, religion and way of life – that are now being treated as a second class population and suggest, moreover, that they are in fact the “true, original Egyptians”

With that hardline concept and reasoning in mind that the Copts never dared or allowed, if you will, to take it outside the church premises, the Coptic protesters in their Sunday march defiantly roared “like or not, we are the true land owners”

This was the first time for Egypt Copts to let go of their prudence and discretion and may be also their long buried hostility.  Frustrated by SCAF lax handling of the violence and frequent targeting of the Coptic churches and since no one was prosecuted or held accountable for the previous two attacks the Copts set off this huge rally with a bit of a grudge against SCAF

Left out

In Egypt today, the key responsibility to ensure sectarian peace lies with the country’s elite (the military council, the intelligentsia, the remnants of Mubarak’s regime, Islamists, and Coptic leaders) … and of course regional and international players, namely Saudi Arabia, the United States and Israel.

As for the intelligentsia and the liberals who have being outweighed by the rise of the well organized and obscenely financed Islamists, thanks to the wahabbist Saudis, are so busy and exhausted trying to secure, by any stretch, the minimum no. of parliament seats even if that meant some secret deal with the Muslim brotherhood, they actually have no time for the Copts’ dossier.

The Coptic leaders, feeling insecure after Mubarak’s stepping down and also feeling left out while the Islamists and the remnants of the old regime split the booty of the transitional period, had no choice but to consider asking, or rather begging for international protection, an option long advocated by hardline Copts in exile especially in the United States and aided by Zionist organizations … and that required nothing more than some bloody confrontation with the Egyptian security forces during which Coptic victims would fall down in front of the whole world.

Judging from the latest statements of SCAF in which they explicitly announced that the council will not approve of a civil president to be the future supreme commander of the military forces and with field marshal Tantawy insinuating that he might consider running for the presidency we can understand SCAF need for more escalation of riots and unrest as a pretext to sort of prolong the interim period for may be another two years during which they could cling to power and shift the country into military rule.

Actually, For the time being, both the United States and Israel prefer the military council being in command than to hand over the rule of Egypt to the Muslim brotherhood with their known anti-Israeli agenda and their unpredictable stance on the camp David peace accords, even if that means turning a blind eye to SCAF security forces getting so out of control as to run over peaceful protesters with their armored vehicles exactly as Mubarak’s security apparatus used to do.

 

False flag

Alexandria church bombing on the Christmas Eve of 2011

When it comes to Egypt, the Israeli role doesn’t stop at the wishful thinking of an observer but extends into deep and covert involvement. I mean, we all remember the state of bewilderment and confusion that followed Alexandria church bombing last Christmas night that left around 20 dead and 90 wounded, but the classified documents found in the headquarter of the raided state security apparatus proved that the whole thing was a false flag operation pulled to implicate some Gaza-based militants and help Israel tighten its siege on gaza and incriminate Hamas as a terrorist organization.

What is similarly puzzling about the peaceful Coptic march that suddenly turned violent is the testimony of various eyewitnesses that confirmed that plain-clothed unknown assailants managed to infiltrate the rally and on reaching the final destination of the march they were the ones who started throwing stones, Molotov cocktail bottles and even shooting live ammunition at the military security forces taking down two soldiers … and from then on the scene turned into the chaos and violence we have all witnessed.

Obviously those were trained agent provocateurs that easily infiltrated the peaceful Coptic march and orchestrated this whole mess, what consolidates this thesis is the swift and widespread rumor that followed on the internet social media and on the Egyptian street stating that Hillary Clinton, the American secretary of state has declared that the United States is willing to help the Egyptian military council to protect the Christian minority in Egypt.

Of course the next day this breaking news was refuted as false statement … but still this whole thing, regardless of the hidden motives of both the Copts and the Egyptian military, smells so much like a false flag.